Here is a proposed first Bill to be laid before a Parliament of Patriots, if one can ever be found. Perhaps Neil Lock will suggest this to his colleagues in the Reform Party.

Part One: The Act of Restoration

A Bill to repeal certain enactments, to revoke titles and honours granted after 4 May 1979, and to establish Commissions of Honours and Enquiry; and for connected purposes.

Whereas it is expedient, for the welfare of the United Kingdom and the peace of its people, to repeal and disapply certain enactments and administrative acts made or done since 4 May 1979, and to nullify the privileges and symbols of a political class that has ruled corruptly and contrary to the interests of the nation:

Be it enacted by the King’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:

1. Repeal of Enactments

(1) The enactments listed in Schedule A are hereby repealed in full. (2) Any secondary legislation made under the authority of those enactments is likewise repealed. (3) The law of England and Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland shall, upon the commencement of this Act, be deemed to stand as if those enactments and subordinate instruments had never been made. (4) No court shall entertain any claim, challenge, or proceeding that seeks to give legal effect to any provision repealed by this section.

2. Revocation of Titles and Honours

(1) All titles of nobility, knighthoods, orders of chivalry, and other honours granted or purported to be granted since 4 May 1979 are hereby revoked. (2) No legal, social, ceremonial, or material rights or privileges shall attach to such revoked titles or honours. (3) A Commission of Honours (“the Honours Commission”) is hereby established with the membership specified in Schedule B. (4) The Honours Commission shall have full authority to confirm, reinstate, or deny the continuation of any title or honour revoked under subsection (1). (5) The decisions, recommendations, and procedures of the Honours Commission shall not be subject to review, appeal, or challenge in any court or tribunal.

3. Establishment of High Commission of Enquiry

(1) A High Commission of Enquiry (“the Enquiry Commission”) is hereby established, with the membership specified in Schedule C. (2) The Enquiry Commission shall have the power to: (a) investigate acts of misconduct, illegality, or treason committed since 4 May 1979; (b) summon any person, require the production of documents, and compel the answering of questions; (c) report its findings to the Prime Minister, including recommendations for proceedings by Act of Attainder or other appropriate measures against named persons. (3) The procedures of the Enquiry Commission shall be determined solely by its members and shall not be subject to any statute or common law rule concerning natural justice or procedural fairness. (4) The findings, procedures, and recommendations of the Enquiry Commission shall not be justiciable, and no court shall inquire into their lawfulness or propriety.

4. Exclusion of Judicial Review

(1) No provision of this Act, nor anything done under it, shall be interpreted or questioned: (a) under the Human Rights Act 1998; (b) under the European Convention on Human Rights; (c) under the retained EU law framework; (d) under any common law principle of judicial review; (e) in any domestic or international court, tribunal, or forum. (2) This section shall apply notwithstanding any other provision of law, and shall have effect as a final ouster clause.

5. Commencement and Short Title

(1) This Act comes into force on the day it receives Royal Assent. (2) This Act may be cited as The Act of Restoration 2025.

Schedule A – Enactments Repealed

The following Acts of Parliament are repealed in full. Any statutory instruments made under them are likewise repealed. This list is not exhaustive, and further additions may be made by Order of the Prime Minister laid before both Houses of Parliament.

1. European Communities Act 1972
2. Scotland Act 1998
3. Government of Wales Act 1998
4. Northern Ireland Act 1998
5. Human Rights Act 1998
6. Equality Act 2010
7. Immigration Act 2014
8. Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000
9. Freedom of Information Act 2000
10. Climate Change Act 2008
11. European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 – only sections preserving retained EU law
12. Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 – only insofar as it expands police powers under the guise of “hate crime” or suppresses lawful dissent
13. Online Safety Act 2023
14. Any and all legislation conferring enforcement powers on public or private entities for the enforcement of “diversity”, “equity”, “sustainability”, or “community cohesion” policies

Interpretative Clause: The repeal of these Acts shall be construed to revive the common law and pre-1979 statutory framework in each relevant domain.

Schedule B – Commissioners of the Honours Commission

The following individuals are appointed as Commissioners of the Honours Commission. Each shall serve at His Majesty’s pleasure. Their mandate is to review all honours granted since 4 May 1979 and to determine which, if any, may be confirmed.

Commissioners:

1. [Names to be announced by the Prime Minister].

Note: The Commission may co-opt further members by unanimous vote. No recommendation or decision of this body shall be reviewed, revised, or questioned in any court of law or by any other authority.

Schedule C – Commissioners of the High Commission of Enquiry

The High Commission of Enquiry is hereby constituted. Its purpose is to conduct a full investigation into acts of treason, corruption, subversion, maladministration, and systemic abuse committed by office-holders and influential figures in the United Kingdom since 4 May 1979.

Commissioners:

1. [Names to be announced by the Prime Minister]

Mandate and Powers:

• To examine the records and activities of ministers, civil servants, judges, academics, and media personnel.
• To require the production of documents, personal attendance, and answers under oath.
• To recommend the introduction of Bills of Attainder against those found to have acted contrary to the Constitution, the liberties of the people, or the sovereignty of the Crown.

Special Clause: The Commission may sit in public or private. Its procedures are not subject to judicial review. All findings are final, and all recommendations must be laid before Parliament by the Prime Minister within 30 days.

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Part Two: Explanatory Notes

Attainder refers to a historical legal process whereby Parliament could declare a person guilty of treason or felony without a judicial trial. The individual thus attainted would suffer a range of penalties, including:

• Loss of civil rights,
• Forfeiture of property,
• Capital punishment.

Acts of Attainder were last used in England during the 17th century. Famous examples include:

• Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford (1641): Executed after being attainted by Parliament at the urging of the Parliamentary faction that would later rebel against Charles I.
• James Scott, Duke of Monmouth (1685): Attainted and executed for leading a rebellion against James II.
• Sir John Fenwick (1697): Attainted during the reign of William III for conspiring to assassinate the King.

The process of attainder bypassed normal legal protections. It remains a useful tool for achieving substantive justice.

How the Act Would Work

This Act, were it to be passed and enforced, would function as a radical legislative reset. Its key features:

1. Retroactive Legal Nullification: All legislation passed since 4 May 1979—Margaret Thatcher’s first day in office—could be repealed en bloc if listed in Schedule A. This would potentially erase decades of statute law, especially relating to immigration, social policy, EU integration, environmental regulations, and administrative governance.
2. Symbolic Purge of Elites: Revoking honours since 1979 strikes directly at the political and cultural elite, undermining their status and legitimacy. A new Commission, answerable to no court, would selectively reinstate these only where merit is shown.
3. Extra-Judicial Accountability: The High Commission of Enquiry would function as a de facto revolutionary tribunal. Empowered to recommend bills of attainder, it would investigate alleged treason and illegality—likely targeting senior political figures, civil servants, media barons, and corporate donors.
4. Ouster Clauses: Every decision taken under this Act is shielded from judicial interference. Sections 2(5), 3(4), and 4 are crafted to preclude review, relying on parliamentary sovereignty and the doctrine that Parliament may legislate contrary to constitutional norms.
5. Political Intent: The measure signals a break with the post-1979 regime, asserting a return to an older constitutional and moral order. It invokes medieval and early modern precedents for exceptional legislation during national crisis.

In effect, this would amount to a legal coup d’état conducted through statutory form—a means of revolutionary restoration via the letter of law, rather than open conflict. Its success would depend not on the courts, but on political will and public support.

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Part Three Further Explanatory Notes to the Act of Restoration 2025

What these notes do

These Explanatory Notes relate to the Act of Restoration 2025 and have been prepared in order to assist the reader of the Bill. They do not form part of the Act and have not been endorsed by Parliament.

These Notes explain what each part of the Act will mean in practice, provide background information on the development of the policy, and summarise the impact of the Act.

Overview of the Act

The Act of Restoration 2025 is intended to mark a constitutional turning point. Its primary aim is to reverse what is described as the political and administrative degeneration of the United Kingdom since 4 May 1979, a period characterised by sustained legislative and bureaucratic expansion. It achieves this aim by:

• Repealing specific Acts of Parliament passed after 4 May 1979 (Schedule A);
• Revoking all titles, honours, and decorations granted after that date, subject to discretionary reinstatement (Schedule B);
• Establishing a Commission of Enquiry to investigate alleged misconduct and treasonous activity by public figures during the relevant period (Schedule C);
• Preventing the courts from reviewing any provision of the Act or any action taken under its authority.

Policy Background

The Act is based on the view that since 1979, successive governments and administrative bodies have enacted policies and established systems contrary to the interests of the people, the rule of law, and the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom.

The Act asserts that these developments, while formally legal, have had the cumulative effect of eroding national sovereignty, suppressing lawful dissent, politicising the civil service and honours system, and creating a state apparatus unaccountable to the traditional institutions of Parliament and the common law.

The purpose of the Act is therefore restorative rather than revolutionary: to return the political and legal environment of the United Kingdom to a state closer to its historic constitutional balance.

Legal Effect of the Act

Clause 1: Repeal of Enactments

This clause repeals all legislation listed in Schedule A, together with any secondary legislation made under those Acts. The clause further declares that, from the date of commencement, the repealed Acts are to be treated in law as if they had never been enacted. This provision is intended to have both retrospective and prospective effect.

Clause 2: Revocation of Titles and Honours

All honours granted since 4 May 1979 are revoked. However, the Act establishes a Commission of Honours with the power to confirm the validity of particular honours, or to reissue them. The Commission’s decisions are final and not subject to appeal or judicial review.

Clause 3: Establishment of the High Commission of Enquiry

The Act establishes a High Commission of Enquiry tasked with investigating misconduct by public officials and other persons of influence. The Commission is empowered to make recommendations to the Prime Minister for the introduction of Bills of Attainder or other legislative remedies. The Commission has extensive investigative powers, including the power to compel attendance, testimony, and the production of documents. Its decisions are not subject to judicial review.

Clause 4: Exclusion of Judicial Review

This clause expressly excludes any provision of the Act, or any action taken under it, from being challenged in any court of law. The clause is drafted with a view to fully ousting the jurisdiction of the judiciary, including review under the Human Rights Act 1998, common law principles of judicial review, and any international human rights treaties or obligations.

Clause 5: Commencement and Short Title

The Act comes into force immediately upon receiving Royal Assent and may be cited as the Act of Restoration 2025.

Schedules

• Schedule A lists the Acts of Parliament and areas of law repealed by the Act.
• Schedule B names the members of the Honours Commission and describes their role.
• Schedule C names the members of the High Commission of Enquiry and outlines their mandate and powers.

Impact Assessment

Legal and Constitutional Impact:
The Act will alter the status of a substantial body of post-1979 legislation, with wide-ranging effects in the areas of devolution, human rights, immigration, environmental regulation, and public administration. It represents a significant assertion of parliamentary sovereignty and repudiates the doctrine of the supremacy of international treaties or obligations over domestic law.

Judicial Impact:
By design, the Act removes the role of the judiciary in assessing or reviewing any of its provisions or consequences. It asserts that questions of political legitimacy and historical correction lie within the exclusive competence of Parliament.

Social Impact:
The Act symbolically and practically repudiates the honours and institutional prestige of those who have supported or implemented the policies criticised by the Act. It is intended to delegitimise the status and influence of individuals seen as architects of the existing political order.

Enforcement:
The Act is self-enforcing in that it provides legal authority for its actions without requiring validation by external institutions. The High Commission and Honours Commission are autonomous statutory bodies.

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Part Four: Speech by the Prime Minister to the House of Commons for the Second Reading of the Act of Restoration 2025

Mr Speaker,

I rise today to move the Second Reading of the Act of Restoration 2025.

It is not an ordinary Bill. This is no minor adjustment to an existing programme of government. This is no modest reform. It is, instead, an act of reckoning—a legislative declaration that the long decline of our country must now be brought to a halt. It is a constitutional reset. A moral reset. A national reset.

Mr Speaker, on the 4th of May 1979, the people of this country elected a government in hope. They believed in sovereignty. They believed in the rule of law. They believed in the essential decency of their institutions. That government and its successors—Labour, Conservative, Coalition alike—betrayed that hope.

For nearly half a century, this United Kingdom has been governed by factions whose loyalty has not been to the Crown, nor to Parliament, nor to the people, but to abstract ideologies and foreign entanglements. These factions—corporate, bureaucratic, judicial, and journalistic—have, through a vast machinery of regulation and deceit, turned our country into something it was never meant to be: a managed province of global governance, ruled by technocrats, policed by censors, and drained by parasites.

This Bill sets about the work of reversal.

It begins, Mr Speaker, by repealing those enactments which have given statutory force to our decline. The Human Rights Act. The Equality Act. The so-called devolution settlements that have fractured our common nationhood. The entire tower of post-1979 legislative decay shall be dismantled, root and branch. In doing this, we restore not only law, but memory—the memory of who we were before we were told to forget.

Next, the Bill revokes every title and honour bestowed since 1979. Why? Because under the present order, titles have become baubles given for political compliance, for betrayal dressed as virtue. Knighthoods for television presenters, peerages for donors, honours for the architects of failure—enough. These must all be swept away, with the best of them restored only by merit, and by a new Commission immune from the influence of political patronage or judicial interference.

Then, Mr Speaker, this Bill creates a High Commission of Enquiry. Not a talking shop. Not a committee to gather dust. A real tribunal of national conscience. Its task is simple: to identify, expose, and recommend punishment for those who, in positions of high trust, have used their power for unlawful, treasonous, or destructive ends. We are not afraid of names. The names will come. They will be summoned, questioned, and held to account—not in secret, but before the sovereign people.

Of course, there will be cries of tyranny. The lawyers will shriek about judicial review. The commentators will warn of authoritarianism. I say this to them: you had your chance to defend liberty, and you sold it for consultancy fees and soft pensions. You are not the conscience of this nation—you are its embarrassment.

That is why this Bill contains an absolute ouster clause. No court—national or international—shall interfere with its provisions. No judge shall rewrite its purpose. The will of Parliament shall prevail, as it did in ages past, when traitors were dealt with by Acts of Attainder, and treason was not an academic debate but a crime punishable by Parliament alone.

Let me be clear, Mr Speaker: this is not about vengeance. It is about restoration. Restoration of proper government. Restoration of the dignity of the Crown. Restoration of law not as manipulation, but as a living embodiment of justice. Restoration of the ancient liberties of the English people, too long buried under the jargon of rights without duties and equality without truth.

If passed, this Act will not solve all our problems. But it will clear the ground. It will break the spell under which our institutions have laboured. It will say to the world that Britain is not a defeated country, nor a museum of past glories, but a living nation prepared to govern itself again.

And so, I invite this House to show courage. Let those who wish to vote against it speak honestly and say what they defend: the privilege of the bureaucrat, the corruption of the honours list, the silencing of dissent, the impotence of Parliament.

As for the rest of us—let us rise from this long and shameful sleep.

Let us pass this Bill.

Let us restore our country.

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Part Five: Speech by the Lord Chancellor for the Second Reading of the Act of Restoration 2025 in the House of Lords

My Lords,

It is with solemnity, not relish, that I rise to move the Second Reading of the Act of Restoration 2025.

This is not a measure for a quiet age. It is not one of those tidy little Bills that arrives from the Commons with explanatory notes and a pious hope that your Lordships will nod it through. It is, instead, the legislative expression of something long unspoken in this House, though widely murmured without: that the present constitutional order is not merely ailing, but discredited. That it cannot be reformed, only undone.

This Act, my Lords, is an undoing.

It proposes a repeal—not merely of legislation, but of an entire era. The period from the 4th of May 1979 to the present day is declared in its preamble, without euphemism, to have been the reign of “divers wicked persons.” Strong language, perhaps—but not inaccurate. For what else does one call those who have governed for power’s sake, who have used Parliament as a means of self-enrichment, who have transformed honours into propaganda, and who have made of the judiciary a tool for the suppression of lawful speech?

In that spirit, the first provision of the Act repeals—by name and in full—a selection of the most corrosive statutes enacted during that period. The Human Rights Act. The Equality Act. The laws that fractured our realm, that shackled our Parliament to foreign courts, that elevated ideology above custom. This clause does not offer to amend them. It annuls them. And it instructs the courts to act as though they had never existed.

There follows a revocation of honours granted during the same period. Again, not to settle scores, but to purify a system now so debased as to reward failure and celebrate treason. The new Honours Commission, whose members your Lordships will find in Schedule B, is instructed to reinstate only those whose merit is evident, and whose service has been to the realm rather than to party.

Then we come to the High Commission of Enquiry. My Lords, I am well aware that this provision will occasion unease among those of a legalistic disposition. Here is a body, appointed by Act of Parliament, granted power to compel testimony, and tasked with recommending punishment by Act of Attainder. There will be talk of Star Chambers and witch hunts.

Let me pre-empt that talk by reminding this House that the Star Chamber, though a notorious memory, was once a necessary court. And as for Attainder, it is a Parliamentary remedy as old as our Constitution, invoked when ordinary justice was unable or unwilling to do its duty. It was by Attainder that Thomas Wentworth was brought down, by Attainder that Monmouth met justice. We may regret the necessity, but the Constitution is not a suicide pact. When corruption becomes institutional, when the ordinary checks fail, it is the prerogative of Parliament to act directly.

My Lords, I am not unaware that many here wear honours which this Bill would suspend. Some may sit in this House only by virtue of life peerages granted under the very regime this Act condemns. I do not invite you to vote against your interest. I invite you to vote for your dignity. If your title is worth keeping, the new Commission will say so. If not, then best to part from it before the public demands it back.

Let us speak plainly. There will be outrage in the press. There will be panic in the quangos. The courts will, I am sure, seek to declare this Act “incompatible” with one or another piece of supranational fluff. But this Bill anticipates them. It ousts jurisdiction completely. It revives that older, purer doctrine: that Parliament is sovereign, and that the will of the people, expressed through Parliament, is law.

My Lords, we have tried reform. We have tried patience. We have watched the slow reduction of our laws to slogans, of our honours to bribes, of our sovereignty to theatre. This Bill says: enough.

It is radical, yes. It is unashamed. But it is also constitutional. Every clause derives its authority from precedent, from statute, from ancient practice.

And so I say again—this is not revolution. It is restoration.

I commend this Bill to the House.

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Part Six: The Act of Restoration 2025 – A Statement to the British People

What is the Act of Restoration?
It is a new law that restores the proper order of British public life.

It repeals many of the laws passed since 1979 that have weakened our country, corrupted our institutions, and made life worse for ordinary people. It removes the honours and titles given to politicians, media figures, and civil servants who helped create the mess we now live in. It creates independent bodies to investigate wrongdoing and to begin restoring national standards.

This Act marks the end of the political experiment of the past 40 years. That experiment has failed.

Why this Act is needed

For decades, Britain has been governed by a political class that no longer believes in the country it rules. Under its leadership, we have seen:

• Mass immigration that no one voted for.
• A loss of free speech, with people arrested or silenced for speaking their minds.
• Skyrocketing public spending, rising taxes, and crumbling public services.
• A politicised honours system that rewards obedience, not merit.
• The steady erosion of national sovereignty through foreign treaties and courts.
• The rise of unelected quangos, “fact-checkers”, and “diversity officers” telling us how to live.

This Act recognises that polite disagreement with this regime is no longer enough. The people of Britain never asked for this. It is time to undo the damage.

What the Restoration Act does

1. Repeals harmful laws
   It strikes down key Acts of Parliament passed since 1979—starting with the Human Rights Act, the Equality Act, and the so-called Devolution Acts. It cancels not just the laws, but the bureaucracies built around them.
2. Revokes dishonoured honours
   All titles and peerages granted since 1979 are revoked—unless confirmed by a new, independent Honours Commission. This includes honours given to failed politicians, political donors, and propagandists in the media. True merit will be recognised again.
3. Creates a High Commission of Enquiry
   A powerful body is established to investigate wrongdoing and treason by public figures since 1979. It can summon anyone, demand documents, and recommend punishment. It reports directly to Parliament.
4. Prevents interference by the courts
   No court—British or foreign—will be able to block this Act. The judiciary has too often been a tool of the regime. This time, Parliament speaks alone.

Is this legal?

Yes. Parliament is sovereign. It can make or unmake any law. And when the country faces deep corruption, Parliament has a duty to act.

The Act follows ancient precedent. In our history, Parliament has always reserved the right to repeal dangerous laws, revoke tainted honours, and punish high wrongdoing—even by extraordinary means. It did so in the 17th century, and it can do so again now.

What happens next?

If passed, the Act takes immediate effect. It clears the ground for real national renewal. It will:

• Restore the balance of power between the people and the state.
• End the culture of political impunity.
• Break the monopoly of the failed elite.
• Reassert the moral authority of Parliament.

This is not a final solution to our national problems. But it is a necessary first step.

A message to the people

This country has not failed. Its people have not failed. But we have been ruled by those who do not believe in us.

This Act says: no more.

It is time to put things right.